CANADA HISTORY - Documents

Joe Clark - Policy Speech

Analysis of the Document - (The Document follows below the Analysis)

Joe Clark’s Speech to the Vancouver Canadian Club on August 31, 1979, came at a time when his newly elected government was navigating the turbulent political and economic waters of the late 1970s. In this speech, delivered at the Hotel Vancouver, Clark articulated his vision for Canada, outlining key priorities for his administration, including economic reform, energy policy, and the importance of national unity.

The speech highlighted Clark’s deep concern for the economic challenges facing Canada. As the global oil crisis loomed large, he spoke directly to the pressing need for energy independence. Clark emphasized his commitment to reducing Canada’s reliance on foreign oil by fostering domestic production and promoting energy conservation. This reflected his government’s broader goal of addressing inflation and stabilizing the Canadian economy, which had suffered under soaring energy costs. His mention of energy policy would soon become a central theme of his short-lived government, as evidenced by the controversial gasoline tax proposed in his budget later that year.

Clark also stressed the importance of national unity, a theme that resonated strongly in a country marked by regional divisions. Western Canada, particularly British Columbia, was increasingly frustrated by what it perceived as federal policies favoring Central Canada at the expense of the West. In his speech, Clark made it clear that his government would listen to and address the concerns of the western provinces. By delivering this speech in Vancouver, Clark aimed to send a message of inclusivity and recognition of British Columbia’s vital role in the federation.

Clark’s focus on national unity was also tied to his government’s commitment to address Quebec’s distinctiveness within Canada. The 1970s were a period of rising Quebec nationalism, culminating in the 1980 referendum on Quebec sovereignty. Though that vote was still nearly a year away, Clark’s speech laid the groundwork for the federal government’s position on maintaining the unity of Canada while recognizing Quebec’s cultural and linguistic differences.

The speech also touched on foreign policy, where Clark reiterated Canada’s role as a middle power committed to multilateralism and peacekeeping. He spoke of Canada’s proud history of international engagement and peacekeeping, particularly in the context of Cold War tensions. Clark sought to assure Canadians that his government would continue Canada’s tradition of constructive diplomacy, working within international organizations like the United Nations while protecting Canada’s sovereignty and global interests.

The implications of this speech were significant. Clark’s message of energy independence, economic stabilization, and national unity reflected the core challenges facing his government. However, his tenure as Prime Minister would be short-lived. The very issues he addressed in Vancouver—economic policy and regional grievances—would come to a head with his government’s controversial budget later that year. His inability to secure enough political support for his economic agenda, particularly the gasoline tax, led to the downfall of his government in December 1979, forcing a new election and the return of Pierre Trudeau to power.

In the broader context of Canadian history, Joe Clark’s speech represented an important moment of transition in the country’s political landscape. It highlighted the growing influence of Western Canada in federal politics, a theme that would continue to shape national debates in the decades to come. It also underscored the complexities of leading a country with deep regional, linguistic, and cultural divides—a challenge that would remain central to Canadian political life.

Clark’s vision of a more unified, economically resilient Canada remains an important chapter in the evolution of Canadian governance. Though his time in office was brief, his efforts to address key issues such as energy policy and national unity helped frame the political conversations that would shape the country in the 1980s and beyond. In conclusion, Joe Clark’s speech to the Vancouver Canadian Club was a reflection of both the hopes and challenges of his government, offering a glimpse of the future struggles that would define his brief but impactful time as Prime Minister.

SPEECH BY THE HONORABLE JOE CLARK, P.C., M.P.,

PRIME MINISTER OF CANADA

TO THE VANCOUVER CANADIAN CLUB

IN THE BRITISH COLOMBIA BALLROOM, HOTEL VANCOUVER

FRIDAY, AUGUST 31, 1979

During the election, I set forth six basic changes which we proposed to bring to the direction of national policy.

First, we undertook to achieve the potential of Canada by building on the very real strengths that exist or can be developed in each of our regions.

Second, we would restrain the growth of government spending and make more efficient use of the resources available to the national government.

Third, we would improve Canada's economic performance through greater reliance on the private sector as the prime generator of growth, jobs and wealth for Canadians.

Fourth, we would recognize the cultural diversity of Canada as a national asset and increase the opportunity for all our diverse elements to grow and thereby enrich our national life.

Fifth, we would put a fresh face on federalism by replacing confrontation with cooperation in our relations with the provinces and by modernizing our major institutions.

Finally, we would enhance the role of the individual within our system by providing more open and responsive government, by increasing the opportunity for those outside government to participate in its decisions, and by giving individual Canadians a chance to build a stake in their country.

Let me dwell for a moment on the question of a stake in the country -- of the sense that the citizen belongs to the nation and the nation to the citizen. Restoring that sense is a fundamental goal of my government, and there are several fronts on which we have begun to act. Some are well known. Our mortgage deductibility plan is designed to encourage Canadians to become owners of something tangible and lasting. Our youth employment plans will respond with jobs and training to young people who now feel the system is against them. Our plans to encourage Canadians's equity holdings will help our citizens to get more control of our economy, and broaden the base of involvement.

Those are specific programs. But in achieving our goal, processes are as important as programs. We have begun a deliberate program of seeking the advice of people outside government on major issues facing the nation. For example, this morning I had the opportunity to meet with representatives of both industry and organized labour in Vancouver. Before both my summer trips abroad, I had the benefit of formal advice from Canadians with special information, and in both Tokyo and Lusaka, the Canadian Labour Congress, in particular, was most helpful in giving me background information. In Federal-Provincial relations, the Honourable Robert de Cotret and a team of federal ministers will start next Wednesday, a series of meetings with Provincial Ministers to discuss national economic development programs.

I have reviewed the basic commitments we made to the people of Canada prior to May 22nd. They will form the foundation of our policies and programs during what I expect to be a full term of office. My colleagues and I will be proposing initial action in all of these major areas in the speech from the Throne next month.

I expect it to be a busy and exciting fall. It has been a very busy summer too but in a different way. Before we could change the program of the government, we had to change the way we govern.

The Cabinet is smaller, and has a formal executive committee, the inner Cabinet. Power, which had been concentrated around the Prime Minister, has been returned to full Cabinet by a stronger Cabinet committee system. We significantly expanded the use of Ministers of State to bring more effective political direction to the most complex departments.

We have opened government and will consecrate that principle with freedom of information legislation. Open government is important to all Canadians, including particularly a Prime Minister. I need to know what is going on, and what is going wrong in my government, and the best guarantee that I will know is for you to know.

In that spirit of openness, let me convey my view that we have a dedicated and expert public service in Ottawa: its senior officials have been of invaluable assistance to my colleagues and me in getting hold of the government. But we are determined that the Public Service shall not be the sole source of advice available to ministers.

We are using the practical talents of .members of Parliament to assist ministers in dealing with questions ranging from grain transportation to unemployment insurance administration. We will make full use of outside experts, both as individuals and in task forces, to advice the government on policy directions and, equally important, on how policies can be quickly and effectively implemented. For example, Pat Carney of this city is assisting the government in planning an initiative on Pacific rim trade and economic opportunities to be held in Vancouver later this fall: Jalynn Bennett of Toronto, formerly of the Ontario Economic Council, is preparing recommendations for the government on the future role of the Economic Council of Canada: and next week we will be announcing members of a task force to advise us on how to disperse the ownership of certain assets of Petro Canada among individual Canadians.

At our meeting in Jasper this week, we made another fundamental change in the way we govern. We confirmed and began to implement a new system for allocating the financial resources available to the Government of Canada.

There is not much sex appeal in expenditure management. In fact, if the government wants to attract attention, it can ignore expenditure control. Then it will become known for the money it wastes. We would prefer to be known for the public money we save.

The system we are implementing has four major features. First, it is 'top down'. We will first decide the total amount of money available to the government in a given year, and that decision will set the boundary for every other decision. Ministers must plan, and departments must spend, within strict limits, which will be public. Second, the system allows four year planning. Each year, we will publish not only the spending limit for the next fiscal year, but the global amounts which those decisions imply for the following three year.. That means that ministers must say today what their programs will cost tomorrow. Third, it brings together the responsibility for planning policy and practicing restraint, by handing to each policy committee of Cabinet direct responsibility for allocating the funds available to support policies and programs in that field. Finally, it means that every ministers who wants to start a new program now must find the money by reducing or replacing an existing program.

It is, in short, a fundamental change in the way government manages its expenditures. Without that change in my view it would simply not be possible to get effective control over the spending process and the efficient use of your tax dollars.