CANADA HISTORY - Prime Ministers

Brian Mulroney

Brian Mulroney, one of Canada’s most consequential and controversial Prime Ministers, was born on March 20, 1939, in Baie-Comeau, Quebec. His upbringing in a working-class Irish Catholic family in this remote industrial town instilled in him a strong work ethic and an early appreciation for political life. His father, a laborer at the local paper mill, often spoke about the importance of education, pushing Mulroney to pursue academic excellence. Mulroney’s educational journey took him to New Brunswick, where he attended a Catholic high school, and later to St. Francis Xavier University in Nova Scotia. At university, Mulroney was initially undecided about his future path, but he was eventually drawn to political science, graduating with honors. It was during this period that his political interests were cemented, as he became actively involved in campus politics and gained his first exposure to public speaking and debate.

Following his undergraduate degree, Mulroney pursued law, first at Dalhousie University in Halifax, but illness forced him to interrupt his studies. He later completed his law degree at Laval University in Quebec City, where he broadened his understanding of the legal and political frameworks that would become central to his future career. After passing the Bar exam—though not without challenges, as it took him three attempts—he joined the prestigious Montreal law firm Howard, Cate, Ogilvy. Here, Mulroney established himself as a rising star in labor relations law, a field that would sharpen his negotiation skills and understanding of corporate interests. These skills would later prove invaluable as he navigated the complexities of both domestic and international politics.

Mulroney’s political engagement began in earnest during his university years. He joined the Conservative Party and campaigned for a local candidate during the 1956 provincial elections, which brought Robert Stanfield to power. The experience fueled his passion for politics, and at the 1956 Conservative Leadership Convention, Mulroney became a staunch supporter of John Diefenbaker. This connection to Diefenbaker and his growing network within the Conservative Party—where he built friendships with influential figures like Ted Rogers—positioned Mulroney for a future in national politics. In 1958, Mulroney worked on Diefenbaker’s successful federal election campaign, helping the Conservatives secure a landslide victory. Around this time, Mulroney also became active in the Conservative youth wing, where he worked closely with another future Prime Minister, Joe Clark.

While Mulroney built a successful legal career in Montreal, he never fully stepped away from politics. His work in labor relations law kept him connected to the political world, but it was his involvement in the Cliché Commission in the mid-1970s that brought him back into the public eye. The commission, which investigated labor disputes and corruption surrounding the James Bay hydroelectric project in Quebec, allowed Mulroney to cultivate relationships with key political figures, including Premier Robert Bourassa and future political ally Lucien Bouchard. These connections would later prove crucial in shaping Mulroney’s strategy for leading the Conservative Party and appealing to Quebec voters.

By 1974, the political landscape was changing, and the Conservative Party was in flux following Robert Stanfield’s third consecutive electoral defeat to the Liberals. Stanfield decided to step down, opening the door for new leadership. Mulroney, encouraged by his supporters, entered the race for the party leadership. Although he had little political experience compared to some of his rivals, Mulroney’s Quebec roots and connections provided a solid base for his campaign. He spent over $500,000—an enormous sum at the time—on the leadership race, and while he performed well on the first ballot, he ultimately faded in the later rounds, allowing Joe Clark to secure the leadership.

Rather than join Clark in opposition, Mulroney returned to the private sector, becoming vice president of the Iron Ore Company of Canada, where he earned a lucrative salary. This period, however, was marked by personal challenges. Struggling with depression and alcoholism, Mulroney’s political aspirations seemed to fade. Yet, with the support of his wife, Mila, he was able to overcome these difficulties and quit drinking. By the early 1980s, Mulroney had regained his confidence and was ready to re-enter the political arena.

In 1982, Joe Clark’s leadership of the Conservative Party came under scrutiny after receiving only 66% support at a party convention, a signal of weakened authority. Clark called for a leadership review, and Mulroney, now fully prepared to lead, launched a behind-the-scenes campaign for the top job. By June 1983, after four ballots, Mulroney emerged victorious, taking control of the party without ever having held a seat in Parliament. Despite his lack of parliamentary experience, Mulroney was seen as a dynamic and charismatic leader capable of challenging the governing Liberals.

The 1984 federal election proved to be a historic triumph for Mulroney and the Conservative Party. Running against Liberal leader John Turner, who had taken over from Pierre Trudeau, Mulroney capitalized on public dissatisfaction with years of Liberal rule and won the largest majority in Canadian electoral history. His victory marked the beginning of a transformative era in Canadian politics.

As Prime Minister, Mulroney set about dismantling many of the policies established by Liberal governments over the previous two decades. His government scrapped the National Energy Program, which had been deeply unpopular in Western Canada, particularly in Alberta. Mulroney’s pro-business stance led to the privatization of 23 Crown corporations, signaling a shift towards market-oriented economic policies. Meanwhile, his ability to form a coalition that included Western conservatives, Ontario business interests, and Quebec nationalists created both opportunities and challenges for his government. Each faction had different expectations, and Mulroney had to balance the demands of provincial rights advocates in the West, economic reformers in Ontario, and Quebec nationalists who sought greater autonomy for their province.

One of Mulroney’s most significant initiatives was the negotiation of the Canada-U.S. Free Trade Agreement, which laid the groundwork for the eventual North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) that would include Mexico. Mulroney believed that free trade with the United States would be essential for Canada’s long-term economic prosperity, but the issue was highly divisive. In the 1988 federal election, the Free Trade Agreement became the central issue of the campaign. Mulroney faced off against John Turner once again, and the two leaders engaged in emotional debates over the future of Canada’s economic relationship with the United States. Despite intense opposition, Mulroney secured a second majority government, making him the first Conservative leader since Sir Robert Borden to win back-to-back majorities.



Mulroney’s second term was dominated by two major issues: the introduction of the Goods and Services Tax (GST) and attempts to bring Quebec into the constitutional fold. In 1989, his government introduced the GST, replacing the outdated Manufacturers’ Sales Tax. Although the GST was widely unpopular and met with fierce resistance, it became an efficient tool for government revenue collection, solidifying its place in Canada’s fiscal framework.

On the constitutional front, Mulroney’s efforts to address Quebec’s grievances culminated in the Meech Lake Accord, which aimed to recognize Quebec as a distinct society within Canada. However, the accord was ultimately defeated when Newfoundland and Manitoba refused to ratify it, sparking renewed separatist sentiments in Quebec. Mulroney’s second attempt to resolve the issue, the Charlottetown Accord, which proposed more sweeping constitutional reforms, was also defeated in a 1992 national referendum.

By 1993, Mulroney’s popularity had plummeted to record lows. A 1992 poll gave him an approval rating of just 11%, and he realized that his chances of winning another election were slim. Faced with growing discontent, Mulroney decided to retire from politics. In June 1993, he handed over the leadership of the party and the Prime Ministership to Kim Campbell, who would go on to lose the subsequent election to Jean Chrétien’s Liberals in a landslide.



After leaving politics, Mulroney’s legacy became clouded by scandals and allegations of corruption, particularly related to his dealings with arms dealer Karlheinz Schreiber. His former ally, Lucien Bouchard, had left Mulroney’s government in 1990 to form the Bloc Québécois, a federal party dedicated to Quebec sovereignty. In 1995, Quebec held another referendum on independence, which came within a fraction of succeeding. Mulroney’s efforts to keep Quebec within Canada, once hailed as visionary, were now viewed by many as having inadvertently fueled separatism.

Despite the controversies that have marred his post-political career, Mulroney’s impact on Canadian history remains significant. His leadership transformed Canada’s economic landscape through free trade and privatization, and his government’s policies on taxation and constitutional reform continue to influence the country. Whether Mulroney’s legacy will be remembered favorably or with criticism is yet to be fully determined, but there is no denying that his time in office marked a pivotal chapter in Canadian politics. Time will ultimately decide whether his actions were a positive force for the country or whether his legacy will be overshadowed by the scandals and challenges of his later years.